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Lougiones
Introduction Kirdîkite! en Dangus, Sirdazeme, be Pikla maos Rikos, Supûni, be Tautos, as a mighty steed from birth the goddess Laime has groomed, prepared, and now above all others your fellow nobles raise you high above their heads. Thereby in this time of need and opportunity, you are to be the first among all equals and a leader of our many clans, tribes, and rustic, rough-hewn warrior race. As a well-worn track your blood line and lineage descend from the boundless steppes and ancient heroes spawned by the Aswiniai. Awestruck and bedazzled, these twin horsemen daily pull the goddess Saulia's blazing chariot westward across the sun-filled sky; the lofty dome-shaped vault we call the heavens beneath which you now sit. And, from you the gods, nobles, and common men expect nothing less except broad strokes, vigour, bold acts, uncommon valour, and the resounding roar of unending victories. As well, we shall ever feast upon its fruits and bask within its brilliant glow; never to be despoiled ourselves; nor know defeat's sting, reek, and dreadful ruin. Through the threshold one finds a certain order, logic, and warmth that lights our home where others sense confusion, chaos, or utter darkness. Indeed, from the forests we hewed its timbered frame, it's floor and plastered walls fashioned of the river's clay, and below ground around the hearth we seek the comforts only mother earth affords. Here, there is no greater government above the oath made by a single man. Yet, from behind words whisper that bounty and obligation are shared by all and although unwritten neither mortal nor god may ever rise above the common law. In this respect honour is a prize worth far more than amber as our world is ruled by kin, kith, and the chorus of shields answering the cruel rail of spear and sword. Alas, only the unborn or the dead escape the endless song of war. Herein, no mountains supply a stone nor dirt heaped for mound or furrow as survival is secured by wit and strength of arms alone. Instead a raid demands the soil be soaked with blood and any wrong must be satisfied by the proper head of cows. With this, old feuds are resolved, hard hearts resigned, and new friends made of old foes. Thus, we witness as one year expires with Summer's fall to Winter and renewed once more the wild herds and flocks return in Spring. History Needs to be written... History The Lugiones: A Culture History An Introduction The history of the Lugiones confederation is hindered only by the paucity of a written account. Therefore, in order to reconstruct a narrative of it's prehistory we must largely depend upon archaeology, a sub-discipline of anthropology. Herein, as prolog this story of conflict and ultimate assimilation begins with the European Iron Age, and a climate favorable for both agricultural and pastoral expansion. The subsequent spike in demographic growth seems to have inspired increased attacks by steppe nomads and directly resulted in what may be considered the first urban centers, in the region known today as Poland and northeastern Germany. Although the vast majority of the population remained dispersed across the landscape in small farmsteads and hamlets, the best examples of this selective aggregation are the large fortified settlements of Sobiejuchy, Senftenberg, Biskupin and Buch. They reflect a relatively high degree of community planning and engineering, as displayed by their location, general layout, and use of an intricate form of defensive architecture. Collectively, both the rural and urban settlements, and the associated material assemblages are referred to as Lusatian Culture. The Hallstatt, Lusatian, and Pomeranian cultures Although not otherwise reflected, funerary offerings and the associated iconography indicate the emergence of an equestrian class that paid considerable attention to the ways and means of trade and industry to further the prosecution of war. Of course, by extension this infers that warfare played a significant role in the early Iron Age, and thus arose the need of a managerial elite. While not common, a representative group of warrior burials at Gorszewice, a Lusatian cemetery near the fortified settlement at Komorów, reveal a wide array of weapons of late Hallstatt design. These included spears, swords, daggers, and axes, as well as evidence of head and body armor. Incised decoration on ceramic funerary vessels also depicts the use of horse drawn chariots and cavalry. Additional evidence of the procurement, maintenance, and use of horses has been found in burials and household trash. On the other hand, structures grouped around ceramic kilns and smelting furnaces, along with stone moulds and a host of glass, bronze, and iron artifacts, implies craft speculation. It also signifies a thriving industry engaged in the local manufacture of arms, armaments, tools, and items of personal adornment. Furthermore Baltic amber, late Hallstatt weapons and armor, as well as imported exotic items made in Denmark, Italy, Greece, and Scythia; demonstrate that some of the more important Lusatian settlements were part of a trading network that operated throughout much of central Europe. The relevance of the Lusatian Culture to the later Lugiones polity, is threefold. First, it clearly demonstrates the requisite demography, technology, and resources, as well as a cultural predisposition, necessary for population aggregation. Secondly, the fortified Lusatian settlements and the rise of a warrior class, as a response to the proposed intrusive attacks of steppe nomads, establish a need for a comprehensive strategy of defense. Finally, the presence of a few relatively large and well fortified villages, amidst a sea of small rural settlements without defenses indicates a certain degree of social stratification. However, the lack of differentiation in domestic architecture also suggests that higher levels of class distinction and the ability to establish large political networks, were all but absent. These are themes to be revisited in greater detail when we provide more substance to the shadow that is the story of the Lugiones. Within this context, by the late 8th century BC, or at about the time the first fortified Lusatian villages were established, a large concentration of small dispersed settlements situated along the wide coastal strip between the mouth of the Vistula and the Oder rivers began to reflect a common set of traits. In archaeological terms these sites would become known as the Pomeranian Culture. However, in truth this diagnostic set of traits were relatively common before, and for all intents and purposes, were identical to those that defined the Lusatian Culture. That is with the notable exception of the extensive cemeteries and large fortified villages. Thus, the small dispersed farmsteads and modest burial areas of Pomeranian complex, may be yet another example of contrasting scales, whereby the later represents a less sophisticate basal stratum, while the former the upper end of societal stratification. Nonetheless, tree-ring dates indicate that all of the large fortified villages of the Lusatain Culture were abandoned by 500 BC, while the proliferation of small Pomeranian farmsteads continued unabated throughout Poland, as far as the western Ukraine and Belarus. Reliable explanations why the Lusatain Culture failed, and was replaced by the Pomeranian Culture are at best fleeting. Some claim that the large fortified sites were abandoned due to raids by steppe peoples. However, this might seem a tad odd, since increased warfare was initially offered as one of the underlying causes for population aggregation and class differentiation, in the first place. Others attempt to demonstrate an oscillation to a slightly cooler climate, ergo decreasing agricultural productivity; the basis of the early Iron Age economy. While there were changes in the location of farmsteads and hamlets, there was no apparent decrease in the regional population; as the number of Pomeranian settlements actually witnessed a sizable increase. Although the environment may have been a factor, if the rapid population growth Europe experienced between the early 7th and 1st century BC is any indication, the climatic regime of this period was relatively stable, and might best be described as ideal. Moreover, it may be obvious to even the most casual observer that the demise of the large fortified Lusatain settlements represents nothing more than the removal of an overt example of social stratification. In this respect the benefits of a hierarchy may have been outstripped by the escalating costs imposed by a ruling elite, who were in due course rejected by the basal society at-large. As well, a shift towards pastoralism, adoption of a defensive strategy based on local levies, and the elimination of targets that inherently drew or supported external attacks may have offered additional advantages. Regardless, the Pomeranian Culture denotes the genesis of the tribal elements that later comprised the Lugiones confederation. Face Urns, Endless Warfare, and the La Tene Culture The next chapter in the story of the Lugiones confederation is embedded in the tumults of territorial conquest and the fashioning of a society designed to endure external threat and a state of nearly constant war. In the upland valleys and forests of southeastern France, Switzerland, southern Germany, and Austria, at about the same time the Pomeranian Culture and its affiliates coalesced in Poland and northeast Germany, another important ethnos emerged. Today archaeologists refer to the sites and artifacts of this ethnic expression as the late Hallstatt and La Tene cultures. In more precise terms, this expression can briefly be described as a group of agriculturally based tribal communities organized as feudalistic societies that shared a common language and set of deeply rooted oral, artistic, legal, spiritual, and militaristic traditions. These tribes were ruled by the warrior-elite, who were enabled by their symbiotic relationship with artisans, merchants, and craftsmen. In turn these classes were supported and maintained by a vast system of indenture and other forms of servitude, which were informally administered by an indiscrete body of religious and secular magistrates. Overall, to serve as tribal capitals, provide the requisite logistics of the aristocracy, and symbolize the extent and authority the body politic, the La Tene Culture was anchored by a network of large fortified towns, called Oppida. Collectively, the people of these tribes called themselves Celts, and it was not long before Europe felt their might. Again increased agricultural productivity throughout the 6th and early 5th century BC, fueled by technological advance and an optimum climate, resulted in explosive population growth and a heightened demand for new land. To satisfy this need they harnessed the dynamic potential of disinherited aristocratic youth and their retainers, with the promise that war would achieve both enterprise and upward social mobility. This policy is embodied in the well known Gallic axiom, that all legal rights and privilege can only be derived from courage and the sword. It seems success was quickly realized, as by 600 BC they had subjugated much of central Gaul, and soon large scale intrusions followed into Iberia, northern Italy, southern Germany, and Bohemia. Then, in the last decades of the 5th century, these Celts decisively defeated the Etruscans, destroying their political unity, and by 390 BC they even humiliated the burgeoning Roman state by capturing their capital and holding it for ransom. In the next few years Celtic tribes based in Austria began to expand eastward down the Danube, while those in Bohemia and Moravia crossed into Slovakia and Silesia, and within a half century they had craved out new homes throughout the Balkans and southern Poland. But the tribes of the Pomeranian Culture were also on the move, and it was under these circumstances that the Celts came into direct contact with the peoples of the Lugiones confederation. One such tribe was the Helveconas, whose western branch may be better known as the Helvetii. In the 4th century BC, after the Pomeranian Culture had become firmly entrenched in northeastern Poland, it spread into Prussia, Lesser Poland, Silesia, and Masovia due to tribal migration. Ostensively it seems that as this process commenced, the Helveconas spelt, with an eastern element slowly shifting southeast into Lesser Poland, and a western prong that moved southwest by stages. As Tacitus informs, the western branch or Helvetii settled in the area bounded by the Main and Rhine rivers, as well as the Celtic Boii and Hercynian Forest. Thereafter, Ptolemy and Posidonius imply that the Helveti, enticed by the allure of gold, eventually abandoned this realm for the upper reaches of the Rhine. While it was there, they meet and some joined the enormously unwieldy and ill-fated expedition of the Cimbri and Teutones, the majority of the Helvetii were soon on-the-move again, and on this occasion they settled in western Switzerland. The Helvetii provide a number of insights into the general nature of both the societies of La Tene and Pomeranian cultures. Although it’s clear they originated beyond the initial La Tene sphere, by the 1st century BC, the tribal Helvetii in many respects appear to have been fully integrated into the fabric of the Gran Celteria. This alone demonstrates that tribal identities were somewhat fluid and not solely based on longstanding bonds of kinship. It also underscores the relative ease in which one group could exchange language and custom for a favorable political relationship and greater security. Even so, the manner in which societies self-conceptualize and regulate morality seems deeply ingrained in a primal identity that is often difficult to alter. It appears that Helvetii jurisprudence may have preserved a relic that hearken to their tribal origin and an affinity to the society represented by the Pomeranian and latter Przeworsk cultures. This is found in the curious case of a nobleman named Orgetorix, who over a number of years conspired with two Gallic leaders, to convince the Helvetii and several neighboring tribes to migrate from Switzerland, with the purpose of seizing power and uniting central Gaul by means of intimidation and a nearly-bloodless coup. The details of this case or its ultimate disposition are not of consequence here, as immediately after the issue was resolved the Helvetii implemented the original plan. This indicates that the reason the Helvetii magistrates attempted to try and execute Orgetorix, was only because they were incensed that he intended to have himself appointed to an office, which was common among Celts, that they and their countrymen would simply not tolerate. Because of the close relationship between the tribes of the Suebi and Lugiones confederations, similar examples concerning this attitude towards the nature and authority of kingship involve Marbodius, Catualda, and Arminius. Because they attempted to supercede the authority of lesser nobles and the common assembly, as well as accumulate what was considered too much power; in turn each was deposed when opportunity presented. In fact, due to proximity and a common inspiration, the Suebi and Lugiones confederations appear to have been organized along similar lines. Today these tribes are represented by the archaeological constructs called the Jastof and Przeworsk cultures, respectively. Although at some early stage their basic linguistic and oral traditions diverged and thus became dissimilar, both groups can be characterized as pastorally based tribal communities that were organized as large egalitarian collectives with a somewhat common set of legal, religious, and militaristic customs. These tribes were ruled by clan affiliation and temporary charismatic leaders that were maintained by small groups of heavily-armed retainers and local craft-specialist. However, by virtue of their numbers, real authority and the power to act, as well as the cause and course of indenture was held by the general citizenry, whom were but common freemen, and formed the overwhelming bulk of the populous. Overall, these people lived in small scattered farmsteads and hamlets, preferred not to have established capitals, and in no way used stone, timber, ditch, or mound to enhance the defense of their homes. In this order, their most important pursuits were tied to war and the maintenance of their cattle herds, the chief reasons they frequently changed the locations of their settlements. Thus, their dispersed communities were connected by an ever changing network of paths, trails, and informal roads that crossed countless rivers and streams, as well as vast tracts of forest and swamp. We are told that between the 3rd to 1st centuries BC, the preparation and conduct of endless war became increasingly central to all of the peoples of greater Germania, including the tribes of the Lugiones polity. Of course the intensity of these wars ranged from simple clan feuds, petty rivalries, and the ubiquitous cattle raid; to long drawn-out massive multi-tribal campaigns designed to seize territory and resources. Due to the growing demand made by the Mediterranean markets, by the late 2nd century BC two of the most lucrative reasons wars were fought was over the control of the amber roads and slaves. Concerning the preparation for war, Caesar and Tacitus recall a type of common levy used by the Suebi tribes, that seems to closely correspond to the archaeology of both the Jastof and Przeworsk cultures. Hereby, every year each populated district within a tribal area was assigned to provide an equal number of warriors, allbeit 100 or 1000, to serve as the common levy. A comparable number of households within these districts were also tasked with the support of these troops throughout the course of the year. Furthermore, it appears that from year to year these duties were rotated throughout the populous, so that ‘neither the pursuit of war nor subsistence were ever neglected.’ As for the conduct of war, the sources also tell us that from the outset warriors of the common levy were made war-ready and battle-harden by the very nature of their rustic society and the challenges to survival, presented daily by the environment in which they lived. In regards to more intangible aspects, they were reported to have possessed an unmatched ferocity in battle and often with a seemingly-single mind, were imperious to hardship or reversal. As tacticians they were skilled in the use of terrain and proved competent in the meeting engagement, raid, or ambush, yet were often found lacking when it came to the set-piece battle. From the texts and excavated warriors burials of this period, we learn that the warriors of the common levy were simply armed with a spear, a pair of javelins, and shield; while dressed in nothing more than a woolen cloak, that also served as a bed roll. However, burials of far better armed warriors have been found, including well-made swords, spears, helmets, shields, and body armor of Celtic design; these internments no doubt represent members of the war-leader’s retinue. However, arms recovered from warrior burials that date to the 1st century BC also demonstrate a wider range of weapons were being used, and that troops were formally being organized around and trained in the use of specific weapon sets. This period also seems to have witnessed a general increase in the use of weapons, and due to the variety of type and source of manufacture, one may also question the origins of many of those that employed them. The Early Przeworsk and Oksywie Cultures Within the guise of the Przeworsk culture, the principle tribes and related groups that composed the Lugiones confederation may have formed by the early 3rd century BC. As a theoretical reconstruction these included the Didunas, Harios, Helveconas, Manimos, and Helisios. The Lemovii seem to have occupied the Baltic coast between the mouths of the Oder and Vistula rivers, and increased trade of Baltic amber for Cimbric bronze jewelry, resulted in a local variant of the Przeworsk culture, called the Oksywie culture. Between the lower Vistula and Nemunas rivers elements the Bur, Sidonen, Galindai, and Nahanarvali tribes appear to have incorporated to represent the Nidzica group. Possibly due to Celtic expansion into the Balkans, at about the same time, several related tribes abandoned the middle Vistula, shifted into the northern Ukraine, and formed the Sciri confederation. The Peucini, Atmonen, and elements of the Sidonen also appear to have quit southeastern Poland and by the middle 3rd century BC were well established in Galicia and Bukovina, becoming the historic Bastarnae confederation. In anthropological terms the polities of the Sciri and Bastarnae were confirmed by local expressions of the Przeworsk Culture called the Zarubintsy and Poienesti-Lukashevka archaeological groups, respectively. Yet, the tribes of the Bastarnae and Sciri only fully emerged onto the world stage around 230 BC when they beset and captured the Greek colony of Olbia. Throughout the 2nd century BC the tribes of the Bastarnae confederation, either as invaders or mercenaries, were militarily active in the lower Danube Basin and the Balkans, earning the reputation as the bravest of all nation. In fact, at this time the Peucini migrated south and established themselves on the large southern-most island in the huge delta of the Danube. Collectively the ethnicity of the tribes mentioned above, which actually represent by the various aspects of the Przeworsk construct, remain unclear. However, the similarities with possible historic equivalents; as found in the Lemovii (Læmonii), Bur (Barta), Sidonen (Suduva), Galindai (Galinda), and Nahanarvali (Nadruva) tribal names, suggest a western Baltic linguistic affiliation. The same may be deduced by the Didunas, Harios, Helveconas, Manimos, and Helisios tribal names, yet with a somewhat closer relationship to the languages used by the Celt and Belgae peoples. The use of Lugii, Lugiones, or Lougoi to signify the confederates suggest a basic relationship with a deity called Lugus in Gualish; elements of which may also be found in Old Prussian and Lithuanian pagan gods Lauksargis, Laukamat, Laukpatis, and Laukų. Interestingly in Gaulish myth Lugus was paired to the Roman god Mercury, and supplied with an analogous epithet meaning, skilled in all arts. Furthermore, the Romans indecate that Lugus, in one form or another, was the most revered deity in Gaul and Germania, and claim he was the patron of trade, commerce, and the inventor of all arts and crafts. Another possible western Baltic connection with the Lugiones may be found in the role of Lugus in certifying oaths, as in the Old Irish luige, and Brythonic lugio or llw. Herein, the Old Prussian term laūks, meaning a bounded area, was also used to denote a tribal affiliation, and given its origin may indirectly refer to the oaths that bind communities. The root words used for the Sciri and Bastarnae tribes may be found in the Lithuanian skiriú and Old Prussian Bastweî, meaning to separate and thrust through, respectively. Finally, it’s also feasible that the Peucini and Atmonen tribal names may symbolize Greek and Latin renderings of the Baltic deities Purkūnas and Auљrinė. However, Ptolemy tells us that the Peucini took their name from the Island of Peuke in the delta of the Danube. Turning to more corporeal facets, archaeological surveys and excavations conducted in the vicinity of the modern Polish city of Kalisz provide a wealth of information about the Late pre-Roman Iron Age (LpRIA). In all about 200 late La Tene and early Roman period loci were recorded and based on their attributes these represent residential or mortuary sites, as well as isolated hoards. Of these, three residential sites located approximately five Km south of Kalisz and west of the Prosna River, that surround a large LpRIA cemetery near Piwonice provide important insights into the composition and structure of early Przeworsk Culture communities. These settlements consist of loose yet discrete clusters of habitation structures, as well as byres, storage sheds, and workshops that appear to represent hamlets or small villages that lack any form of defensive architecture. Extramural features such as storage pits, hearths, ovens, kilns, and smelting furnaces were often scattered around the parameter of the settlement. The long walls of the habitation structures were generally orientated along a east-west axis with an entry facing south. Architecturally, habitation structures were typically relatively small rectangular pithouses, with floor areas that covered about 12 to 48 m2. The floor of pithouses ranged from one to 1.5 m below the occupational ground surface. Overall, these structures were timber-framed with waddle-and-daub walls, and steeply pitched roofs. Floor features include storage pits, formal hearths, as well as small ovens and smelting furnaces. Overall, these archaeological findings are similar and provide great credence to the descriptions of settlements associated with the Suebi and Lugii confederations, submitted by Caesar and Tacitus. A large number and variety of LpRIA artifacts were recovered from the excavations outlined above. These included a huge collection of locally hand-made pottery that was associated with either a residential, processing, or ritual context. In addition, a large number of perishable artifacts were recovered, made of carbonized wood, bone, and horn. These can potentially provide important information about the local environment, economy, and technology; as well as the natural faunal and floral resources used by the LpRIA culture. Another important artifact category includes manufacturing byproduct, such as slag or debitage, which was associated with the processing of bronze and silver artifacts; as well as glass bowls, and beads. Evidence of a diverse economy can be surmised from the impression of rye, wheat, barley, oats, and millet found on loom weights. Additional evidence of these cereals include carbonized remains found in a wide-range of contexts. Domesticated faunal remains included cattle, sheep, pig, goat, dog, and horse bones. While undomesticated types were rather under represented they consisted of stag, deer, boar, beaver, bear, elk, wild geese, and duck. Ceramic loom weights and carpentry tools suggest household-based textual and wood craft production. The only evidence of specialized production apparently were several workshops used as tanneries, furriers, and smithys. The presence of wheel-made La Tene pottery, Roman and Celtic coins, imported glass, silver, and bronze artifacts demonstrated trade with communities located to the south and southwest. Although the Przeworsk Culture continued until the 4th century AD, by the beginning of the current era it had experienced significant change. In fact the archaeological attributes and textual references indicate that the western Baltic character reached an apogee around the mid 1st century BC then rapidly declined. Thereafter, the nature of change within the Przeworsk Culture became increasingly influenced by the Suebi tribes. The causes of this seem to be linked to a number of interrelated factors initially tied to the collapse of the La Tene Culture and the Suebi confederation's rise to prominence. Firstly, while Celtic expansion appears to have checked Germanic aggression, in the 3rd century BC a number of Belgae tribes seized the initiative, crossed the Rhine, and conquered a large portion of northeastern Gaul. At about the same time a number of important Celtic tribes embroiled themselves in a long series of wars in Italy that eventually claimed an enormous toll. Next, a resurgent Rome decisively defeated the united Gallic confederation under the leadership of the Arverni. Then, the Cimbric migration rampaged throughout Western Europe in the late 2nd century BC, inflecting untold hardship and ruin. Many of the Celtic Oppida in southern Germany were burned at this time and despite the claim that the Boii held out against the invaders, they were significantly reduced and soon after began to abandon Bohemia. The net result of these reversals was that political unity in Gaul was shattered, with the Celtic tribes weakened and in disarray civil strife followed, diverting resources once dedicated to expansion and maintenance of the Gran Celteria, to the defense of the homeland. However, it seems evident that only Rome and the reconstituted Suebi confederation would take advantage of this distress. The Rise of the Early Swabians In regards to the Suebi, to explain we must turn to the area around Mecklenburg, Hamburg, and Luneburg, were it is evident that the Ripdorf phase of the Jastorf Culture represents the genesis of the tribal Irminones. Thus, soon after the emergence of the Suebi confederation may also be expected around 300 BC. This is only remarkable in that up to this point the Jastorf expression could be viewed simply as yet another variant or group of the much larger Pomeranian and Przeworsk cultures. Additionally, following significant growth between 600 and 300 BC, a steady population decline was detected after the 4th century BC. This process may in part be indirectly due to the large-scale Belgic migrations into northeastern Gaul. Nevertheless, large areas of northeastern Germany were effectively abandoned sometime shortly after 120 BC. These abandonments and the beginning of the Seedorf phase were no doubt connected to the passage of the massive Cimbric migration. Immediately following the abandonments, new settlements were established, particularly between Hamburg and Lüneburg. Here we find the sudden appearance of differentiated female burials; and the spur, spear, sword, and shield interned with males as funerary gifts. These demographic changes and the appearance of weapon burials suggest the rapid emergence of a militaristic community where the use of the lance and competent horsemanship became a defining cultural attribute. With a slightly cooler and dryer climate, some have suggested that the tribes of the lower Elbe region were rejuvenated in part by a steady flow of people from northern Scandinavia. As this process goes beyond the scope of the current study, it may be suffice to propose that as these small migrating groups gathered into larger entities, they coalesced with native populations to form new identities, which soon proved extremely aggressive. When this region entered onto the historic stage we find elements of the Suebi confederation either fully engaged in wars of territorial expansion, or serving as mercenaries in similar conflicts. By the end of the 1st century BC the Suebi confederation had expanded to encompass most of what today is modern Germany east of the Rhine and Bohemia. Within a few decades Suebi tribes, in this case collectively called Vandals and Goths, gained control of Pomerania and East Prussia. This effectively marked the end of the Oksywie and genesis of the Wielbark cultures, a process which was achieved through open warfare, direct migration, infiltration, and acculturation. This also actively reduced the authority of the Lugiones polity. In attempts to counter these moves the Lugiones confederation allied with Rome and political factions that had been excised from the Suebi confederation. However, this proved to be of no apparent avail. Thus, by the beginning of the 2nd century AD, although the Przeworsk Culture continued in name, its character and by extension the nature of Lugiones confederation, had significantly changed to became increasingly dominated by elements associated with various Suebian tribes. Units Perkwunas (Baltic Clubmen) From lowly tribesmen to aristocratic warriors, the spear was in all its forms the definitive weapon of the Germanic fighter. However, for a substantial minority, their weapon of choice was not the spear, but the simple yet deadly club. Clubs are a primitive weapon but can cause massive trauma on impact, and are in addition effective against armoured warriors. They are also easy to make: an axe to shape a piece of oak and a fire to harden the wood are the only things necessary to make an effective club. The warriors in this unit are not necessarily poor but rather choose to fight with the club instead of the spear. Most are armed with a wooden club but some prefer an axe of the socketed variety. These men are also armed with long war knives used as a backup weapon, "war-knives" which have a long history among the Germanic people, dating from the very beginning of the pre-Roman Iron Age. For protection these warriors only use a lightweight wooden shield. Some have a reinforced metal shield boss and some metal shield rim protection, but most do not. These kinds of clubmen are good for quick assaults on the enemy; they are even effective against armoured opponents. The small size of their shields, whilst making the unit very mobile, also makes it vulnerable in prolonged close combat in tight formations, as well as against attacks from slings, javelins and other projectile weapons. The clubmen should be used to open up enemy formations, allowing more regular warriors to press the advantage. Historically, the club was an ancient weapon dating back to the dawn of mankind. Evidence of clubs is rare because they were entirely made of wood which tends to rot over time. Several clubs were found in the north German Tollense Valley, which was witness to a large Bronze Age battle. Iron Age evidence about the clubs used in combat is sketchy; however, Germanic auxilia are displayed on Trajan's Column armed with club, sword and shield but fighting the enemy with clubs. In addition to this, two wooden clubs and one war-axe were discovered at the Alken Enge site in Denmark, lying among the remains of warriors slain in combat. Club-like objects have also been found in a Lower Saxon moor, although some of them are more akin to wooden swords. Because of this it seems that the club still retained some usage in the Iron Age, used by specialists clubmen depicted on Trajan's Column, and likely also used by poor tribesmen. Moldoi (Lugian Skirmishers) Moldoi ('Youths') This unit was composed of a large group of lightly-armed men recruited from a number or neighbouring farmsteads and small hamlets found throughout eastern Germania. They were often related by kinship and served for only a few months every year. Typically, as part of the common levy they were the youngest able-bodied men who had been prepared for warfare by the rigours of their daily life, however they had not been fully tested by the stress, fear, and lethality of actual combat. They were protected only by a cloak and a rectangular wood-plank shield and were armed with fire-hardened javelins, and a short knife. This type of unit often acted as the home guard or was used to raid the unprotected herds and farmsteads of their enemies. They were also utilized to initiate an ambush, harass, or instigate a delay, forcing an enemy army from the march to deploy and commit to battle. When the fight grew too intense, their quickness could make them easily turn and run, only to stop and face their enemies once again. Therefore, given their inability to deter a determined enemy for long, a commander was somewhat limited in choice as to their use. The young men of the Moldoi units followed war chiefs who were proven leaders in battle. These were energetic, notable individuals who always fought in the front line, thus being leaders because they were admired and not because they had the authority to command. Due to the grace of the gods, war chiefs were men who had survived many battles and were themselves skilful warriors. Native born, above all else they were men with the ability to heroically inspire those that followed, with words, deeds, and gifts. But to criticise or confine a warrior is not permitted, as only of those devoted to the gods may strike with a Koros staff made of Rowan, not as punishment, but rather to stir the fighting spirit. And it is these priests that attach themselves to a war chief, who bear the battle-standards where they place a figure or image of their gods taken from the sacred groves at the top. The war chief and priestly standard bearer were generally dressed much the same way as the rank and file, except they had no leather hooded shoulder cape. Instead they wear a leather tunic, a leather head band, and are armed with a leather covered circular wood-plank shield, with a cup-shaped iron boss and an iron hand-grip. They also carry a late iron La Tene type spear and long sword. Kareus (Lugian Early Light Spearmen) Kareus ('Warriors') This unit normally included a large number of lightly-armed men, drafted every year from each district to serve as the common levy. These were friends, bothers, sons, fathers, nephews, and uncles; all bound by the ties of community and kinship. Throughout the year of service, a corresponding number of households were obligated to support the common levy. This duty was altered annually, so that neither the pursuit of war nor subsistence was ever neglected. Over all, the common levy included both young and middle-aged men who had experienced warfare and demonstrated a capacity for battle. Thus, they were initiated into one of the many warrior societies dedicated to Koros, their god of war. Knowing that fate may await behind any tree and the ultimate wage of war renders all men equal, they care not for vanity and dress and arm themselves with little distinction. The youngest, least skilled and most poorly armed were always placed in the foremost ranks among a few wiser and cooler heads as the face of the shield-wall. The older more experienced and slightly better armed, were usually well represented farthest from the front. Yet after the clash-of-arms; as exuberance and strength ebbed, these practised hands filtered to the fore to steady failure or reinforce success. Protected only by a cloak, each man was equipped with a large oval shield made of planked wood and a single spear designed for short-sharp thrusts. As their only offensive weapon, if the spear was bent or broken, every man carried a hunting knife that could also be used for personal defence. Collectively, in accordance with the nature of heroic societies, the men of the common levy were led by war chiefs: select men tried, tested, and elected by good fortune with a fitting rank and respect. Through the levy's brawn and war chief's brain, for personal pride and further gain; honour and reward was pledged in the defeat and degradation of enemies that always abound. To realize this enterprise, and in by doing so, outdo each other in a fight, without reservation they promised their full devotion to their war chief. Yet in truth, the common levy formed the backbone of the ancient armies of the Lougiones and the ability to resist, hold fast or advance the shield-wall against a determined foe, was crucial for the safety and survival of their nation. The members of the Kareus units followed a war chief, who was a proven leader in battle. They were energetic, notable men who always fought in the front line, and were leaders because they were admired and not because they had the authority to command. Due to the grace of the gods, war chiefs were men who had survived many battles and were themselves skilful warriors. Native born, they were above all men with the ability to heroically inspire those that followed them with words, deeds, and gifts. But to criticise or confine a warrior is not permitted, as only those devoted to the gods may strike with a Koros staff made of Rowan, not as punishment, but rather to stir the fighting spirit. And it is these priests that attach themselves to a war chief, who bear the battle-standards where they place a figure or image of their gods taken from the sacred groves on the top. The war chief and priestly-standard bearer were dressed in much the same way as the rank and file, except they had no leather hooded shoulder cape. Instead they wear a leather tunic, a leather head band, and are armed with a leather covered circular wood-plank shield, with a cup-shaped iron boss and an iron hand-grip. They also carry a late iron La Tene type spear and long sword. Kareus (Lugian Late Light Spearmen) Kareus ('Warriors') At first glance the common levy of the Late Period may have resembled the Light Foot of the Early Period, however this unit represented a further advancement of a somewhat unique tactical concept. From a rather poorly-armed and rigid task-specific rabble, the common levy of the Late Period was better equipped, more flexible and manoeuvrable in difficult terrain, while at the same time it had become much more lethal due to the development of dual use weapon sets and formal training. With that said, the common levy was still conscripted, organized and composed along similar lines. As tradition required, they continued to quickly advance into battle protected only by a large shield, cloak, or a leather waist cloak; with a short hunting knife tied to their side. Yet as they formed the shield-wall, together with the skirmishers, they would unleash a maelstrom of javelins, rocks, and clubs, to then to close upon the foe with their last remaining framea to finish the job. Throughout the course of the battle, if the gods' favour went against them, they may well take to their heels and disengage with little loss or any sense of shame. Another important development was enhanced leadership provided by more experienced and better armed war chiefs together with a small troop of companions. Due to their greater devotion to the gods and arts of war, not only did these men display greater skill with weapons, they also knew how to inspire the body and soul to move with a purpose, remain resolute when hard-pressed, and in the end willing to risk everything. It appears that many of these changes were part of a general trend in military development seen across much of Europe, attributable in large measure to the growing influence of the Italian peninsula. Toutaginoi (Lugian Early Spearmen) Toutaginoi ('Defenders of the Nation') This unit represents relatively small groups of men that followed a particularly successful war chief. As war within greater Germania was endless and this was their vocation, these men tended to be better armed, were skilful in the use of weapons, and displayed far greater resolve in battle than any man of the common levy. These men and their war chief were not directly tied to a single district, nation, or even a specific ethnicity. Instead they offered their service to any and all, as their presence was always in demand. These warriors were the war chief's personal escort, and they keenly vied with each other, as each was ranked according to the preference of the man to whom they had attached themselves. In turn, the war chiefs competed in order to attract the largest number of the bravest and most skilled warriors. To be surrounded by a large body of picked troops was a source of pride and a display of power, and was seen as a prize in peace and a shield in war. Because they bestowed renown and glory upon such a distinguished individual, officials flattered these war chiefs and wooed them to their cause with gifts and hospitality. Ultimately, it was understood by all that the prestige of a war chief's name alone may decide the outcome of a war. Wearing a wool tunic and trousers, these men used a leather hooded-shoulder cape and a large oval or subrectangular shield made of wood for added protection. They were armed with several short javelins, which were hurled into the enemy's ranks at a distance. This was often done in conjunction with skirmishers and other missile troops to create a huge hailstorm of dread and death, designed to promote the initial clash of arms. They were also armed with a single spear that was used at close-quarters to great effect in the melee that followed. In combat this swift-footed unit was used to reinforce the common levy and with harsh-toned war songs and their very presence incited a heightened sense of fighting spirit. Additionally, because of their tenacity, ability to endure, and inclination to freely parcel out the most relentless punishment they were used to anchor an entire battle line. And, it was there, in harms way at the very front and center, that war chiefs found a place to work their wonders, and roused the spirit to ever greater acts of courage. For often, it is on the backs of a few brave men, that the fate of mighty nations ride. The Toutaginos unit represented the followers of a war chief, who was in fact a proven leader of 'picked men.' In this respect they were energetic, prominent, and always fought at the fore, thus they lead picked men because they were admired and not because they had the authority to command. Due to the grace of the gods, these war chiefs were men who had survived many battle and were skilful warriors in their own right. Although they may have descended from the Istvaeones, Ingaevones, Herminones, or some other race, for some reason they found themselves among the Lougiones. Yet, above all else they were men with the ability to heroically inspire those that followed them with words, deeds, and gifts; which were the prize of battles won. In battle it is a dishonour for the war chief to be surpassed in boldness, as likewise disgraceful for his followers not to match the valour of their chief. It is an outrage and reprehensible for his men to survive the war chief's death, and return alive from the field of battle. To defend, to protect their chief, to ascribe their brave deeds to his renown, is the height of loyalty. The war chief fights for victory, while his men fight for the honour of their chief. Toutaginoi (Lugian Late Spearmen) Late Toutaginoi ('Defenders of the Nation') In the wake of the Cimbric migration much of the Gran Celteria and greater Germania reeled for years thereafter from widespread destruction, depopulation, and the dissolution of the local, as well as the regional status quo. In the broadest sense of this context, the reformation of the Toutaginos unit represents a shift away from the dominant La Tene armaments and the emergence of a relatively new tradition primarily based in what is now modern Poland. Overall, the trends in the development of armaments, reflected by the Toutaginos unit, as with the evolution of the battle tactics in general, were of course based on the progressive proliferation of iron. This was largely due to further advancements in the methods of extracting and smelting bog iron. Although an important source of ore used to make domestic tools, better grades of iron continued to be imported from the mining centers found throughout the upper Vistula basin, particularly for the manufacture of high quality weapons. In areas with even greater demands, the attributes of the readily available low-grade bog iron also inspired a number of important innovations in the design and production of armaments. With this said the late period Toutaginos unit remained an elite formation composed of 'picked men,' recruited by war chiefs, who in turn were retained by district chieftains in order to bolster their levies. The men of the late period Toutaginos unit were dressed much the same as the early period. They were protected from the elements by a wool tunic, trousers, and a large cloak, while a leather hooded-shoulder cape, a leather tunic and a large leather covered hexagonal shield made of wood was used to guard against the outrageous fortunes of battle. Above all else, the hexagonal shield provided a greater degree of protection and more flexibility within the restrictions imposed by formation-fighting. Each man carried a single standardized spear of improved design that was efficiently used together with the hexagonal shield at close-quarters. They also were armed with several short javelins each tipped with a narrow iron point, called the 'Framea.' This weapon was used to strike at a distance, or face-to-face would just as easily put-down a foe. The Framea were often discharged in conjunction with a huge collection of other missiles to inspire an enemy to quickly close and commence hand-to-hand combat. Likewise these men sing before a fight that Hercules is with them as the greatest and strongest of all warriors, and unequalled, strides into battle. That they also recite songs, called 'Baritum' according to Tacitus, 'to inflame the will, and from the sing-song style forecast a melee's outcome. In fact, to agitate and instil fear, accordingly course notes are fashioned, not so much an utterance, as to discern a manly-tone. They strive for a particular harsh sounding unruly roar, with mouth taut to shield; thereby reverberated their voice is swollen deep and full'. Aswiniai (Lugian Medium Cavalry) Aswiniai ('Sons of Dievas') This unit is comprised of the sons of the Lugiones nobility that either had not yet assumed authority or that had not received an inheritance because of their order of birth in the family. They were much given to boasting and claiming divine descent from the horse-tamers who raced the stars from sunset to sunrise, when they were in fact mere mortal men of rank with little more than the wealth of a commoner. In the distant past such horsemen had been a decisive arm in war. But neglect, time and chance had relegated to them the secondary role of reconnaissance and support. However, under the right conditions they can still scatter lightly armed troops and with the aid of the gods can quickly turn a hard fought struggle into a rout. Cattle breeders for generations, they maintained their small horse herds on the rich grassy plain of northern Europe, while new blood was procured from the eastern steppe through trade in slaves and amber. Via the same routes the finest weapons found a way into their hands as gifts or payment to further serve the waging of endless war. Often mounted an a simple blanket or saddle, they controlled their mounts iron bits and rings held taut by leather rigs made by foreign craftsmen. Famed for their skilled horsemanship and proud bearing, they were able to move at speed and then quickly halt, turn and trample an unwary enemy under their hooves. Their protection against the elements or enemy missiles consisted of a simple leather tunic and faded woollen cloak, while large oval shields made from wooden planks were used for defence. For close-quarter work the Aswiniai made use of their single sharp-edged thrusting spears and a double-edged iron sword. Although open battlefields offered greater fame, their speed and capacity to break away with little loss meant they were often used to find, ambush, and delay an enemy's approach to give time to the warrior levy to prepare, an unpleasant welcome for the enemy. Aswiniai (Late Lugian Medium Cavalry) This unit consists of the sons of the Lugiones nobility. Every man carried a large oval shield made from wooden planks. For close-quarter work a single sharp-edged thrusting spear was used to attack the enemy, along with a double-edged iron sword. Mekidraugai (Oksywie Swordsmen) These are wealthy members from tribes near the southern Baltic Sea coast and can be found campaigning in neighbouring regions. Although they are iron-poor and not known for heavy armor or beautiful blades, these proud men stand out amongst other warriors of the region. They carry well-crafted slashing swords of unique design and the unit can hit an enemy with a powerful charge, even spread in disarray. Due to individual warrior practice amongst different tribes, they can be prone to charging at will, regardless of prudence. Historically, the early tribes of the Baltic Sea, Baltic-speakers as well as those of Lusatian and Pomeranian culture varied widely in how developed they were militarily and politically. The peoples along the southern coast developed faster than others, as they were closer in proximity to the influence of developing societies with advanced iron-working. The Oksywie culture of northern Poland was especially developed, similar to its southern neighbour and close relative, the Przeworsk culture. As a result of expansion by Jastorf and La Tene cultural influence, the Pomeranian culture-inheritors, Baltic tribes of the area eventually formed close relationships with neighbouring Germanic and Celtic peoples. These advanced cultures of the Baltic Sea were of likely mixed origin and had a much more developed military organization due to their greater access to trade and local resources, and thus they were able to field regular troops far more often than other Baltic tribes. Basternai Draugai (Basternian Companions) These men are some of the fastest warriors among the Basternai. Regarded as wild and remarkable for their stature and courage, these men fight alongside riders. Forming a rather effective and lethal tactical unit. Known to the Hellenes as Parabatai, those that stand beside, they have been trained since their youth to keep up with horses, even at full speed. Moreover these warriors have not neglected their training with weapons either and can brutally cut down their opponents. Historically the Basternai appeared in the mid of the 3rd century BC like a bolt from the blue. Having migrated from the Vistula Basin, they quickly gained a reknown as the bravest nation on earth. The Basternai seem to have been at first a confederacy of closely related tribal groups, indeed their name stood for "those bound together". In time, however, having contacts with Skythian and Sauromatian royal clans, the Basternai developed a leadership of regal nobility of their own. Royal intermarriages were frequent and Basternian leaders even married off their daughters to Hellenistic Basileis. The pastoral lifestyle suited the Basternai, who applied its basics to every aspect of their life, even warfare. In fact right after their settlement by the Hypanis River, their warbands began to operate from the Euxeinos Sea to the Makedonia. They were described as not knowing how to plough or sail, who disdained to follow the life of the herdsmen. Instead they were ever practicing a single art, that of fighting and conquering their opponents. Basternai Markaridai (Basternian Horsemen) Having gained superior mounts through raiding, gift exchanging and marriages, these nobles have become fearsome riders. They are well trained and could be easily considered professionals, for they always fight their own wars or someone else's for coin. Most of them share blood with horse lords from the vast steppe and are known to ravage plains and storm villages or cities with alacrity. Historically the Basternai were always on the move, even in war they brought their wives and children alongside them on waggons. These vehicles came to be known as the Basterna, which could also be used as ad hoc fortifications and supplied the Basternai with a ready camp wherever they went. Indeed the main Basternian force was the cavalry, a regular force up for hire consisting of 10,000 riders and just as many foot companions. This combination proved deadly, even to the Romani, and the Basternai were sought after by many polities as excellent mercenaries. Thus, throughout the Hellenistic period, the ever looming danger of Basternai sweeping along the Istros River was a possibility that had to be kept in mind by every strategist. Category:Factions Category:Lugia